the dreyfus affair
Leslie Derfler, The Dreyfus Affair. In 1894, Dreyfus was accused of being a spy, and accused of crimes against France.People thought he wrote letters to the Germans telling them about secrets of the French army. [98][Note 18] He discovered a document called the "petit bleu": a telegram that was never sent, written by von Schwarzkoppen and intercepted at the German embassy at the beginning of March 1896. A new furiously antisemitic press campaign burst during the event, while L'Aurore on 29 October 1898 published an article entitled Victory in the same character as J'accuse...! It was actually a man named Dubois who had already been identified by the Statistics Section for a year. Dreyfus was indeed a very patriotic officer highly rated by his superiors, very rich and with no tangible reason to betray France. This was in compliance with the regulations since the Minister found an error committed by the Military Court. Otherwise known as "faux patriotique" [patriotic forgery] by the anti-Dreyfusards. Dreyfus was therefore "the probable author" of the bordereau in the eyes of the General Staff.[40]. The secrecy was lifted and Demange could access the file for the first time. The role played by the press and public opinion proved influential in the conflict. [32][33] There was also antisemitism in the offices of the General Staff,[34] and it fast became central to the affair by filling in the credibility gaps in the preliminary enquiry. Anatole France published The Island of Penguins (1907), which recounts the Affair in Book VI: "The Case of 80,000 bundles of hay". In the 1880s Schwartzkoppen had begun an affair with an Italian military attache, Lieutenant Colonel Count Alessandro Panizzardi. [198] Still other reactions tended to show that the "verdict of appeasement" made by the judges was understood and accepted by the population. [43] Du Paty de Clam was appointed Judicial Police Officer to lead an official investigation. He fights it at first, but gives in to the feeling and he and DJ Pickett start a secret lo Contrary to appearances, this verdict was on the verge of acquittal by one vote. Zola rises up weak and disarmed against them? That would conceal his virtue. [152] France was exposed as an arbitrary state, which contradicted its founding republican principles. Demange wanted to stand on the defensive and just get the acquittal of Dreyfus. Some 14,000 subscribers,[170] including 53 deputies, sent 131,000 francs. The controversy centred on the question of the guilt or innocence of army captain Alfred Dreyfus, who had been convicted of treason for allegedly selling military secrets to the Germans in December 1894. The other senior officers had either retired or died before the outbreak of World War I. Katrin Schultheiss, "The Dreyfus Affair and History", "At the beginning of this great drama, they were revolutionary socialists who encouraged me the most, who committed me the most to enter the battle." On 12 March 1895, after a difficult voyage of fifteen days, the ship anchored off the Îles du Salut. [131] The army declared Esterhazy unfit for service. The anti-Dreyfusards (those against reopening the case) viewed the controversy as an attempt by the nation’s enemies to discredit the army and weaken France. The campaign for the review, relayed little by little into the leftist anti-military press, triggered a return of a violent yet vague antisemitism. On the details of proceedings see: Duclert. This antisemitism was reinforced by the crisis of the separation of church and state in 1905, which probably led to its height in France. He disembarked on 30 June 1899 in Port Haliguen on the Quiberon peninsula in the greatest secrecy, "a clandestine and nocturnal return". The Dreyfus Affair is distinguished by the large number of books published on this subject. In the final discussion, President Ballot-Beaupré demonstrated the inanity of the bordereau, which was the only charge against Dreyfus. He was tried and convicted by a court-martial and sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil’s Island off the South American coast. [186] The "secret file" was analyzed from 30 December 1898 and the Criminal Division requested disclosure of diplomatic records, which was granted. [Note 9]. Another social consequence was the enhanced role of the press. While reading his masterpiece À la recherche du temps perdu, I grew interested on this political scandal who seemed to have divided France in two opposing sides - the Dreyfusards and the anti-Dreyfusards - because, for being such an important part of French history, it was largely present throughout Proust’s story and characters. [140] At first, the political left did not echo this mobilization of intellectuals—on 19 January 1898 Socialist Deputies distanced themselves from the "two rival bourgeois factions". As such the report of the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Russell of Killowen, on 16 September 1899, was a symbol of the global effect of the Affair in Great Britain. [70][71] At the same time the accused himself protested his innocence and defended himself point by point with energy and logic. [111] Picquart communicated the results of his investigation to the General Staff, which opposed him under "the authority of the principle of res judicata". His son, Pierre Dreyfus, also served in World War I as an artillery officer and was awarded the Croix de Guerre. Dreyfus was reinstated in the army with the rank of artillery major by law on 13 July 1906. "What is already judged is held to be true". The other result was an intellectual mutation of socialism. All the official records are readily available including reports of all public hearings of the many trials in the Affair. President Delegorgue refused to be questioned when he was called to the bar. From 1898 to 1899 the Dreyfusard cause gained in strength. Dreyfus had been framed, and even after that fact became clear to everyone involved, members of the senior military and political … Chirac stated that "the combat against the dark forces of intolerance and hate is never definitively won", and called Dreyfus "an exemplary officer" and a "patriot who passionately loved France". The article was a direct attack, explicit and clear, and named names. [151] Senator Ludovic Trarieux and Catholic jurist Paul Viollet founded the League for the Defence of Human Rights. The army, however, did not publicly declare his innocence until 1995. The Code of Military Justice adopted the principle that a minority vote of three against four was an acquittal.[197]. On the contrary, he unwittingly exonerated him by a demonstration of the exact date of the bordereau (August 1894). The following year the state of Israel was established. After a day of additional work he provided a report that, despite some differences, the similarities were sufficient to warrant an investigation. Herzl's shock was great, for, having lived his youth in Austria, an antisemitic country, he chose to live in France for its humanist image, which made it appear a shelter from extremist excess. Even more than the Dreyfus Affair the Zola affair resulted in a regrouping of intellectual forces into two opposing camps. [105], On seeing letters from Esterhazy, Picquart realized with amazement that his writing was exactly the same as that on the "bordereau", which had been used to incriminate Dreyfus. [191] On 5 June 1899 Alfred Dreyfus was notified of the decision of the Supreme Court on the judgement of 1894. [142] The trial opened in an atmosphere of extreme violence—Zola had been the object of "the most shameful attacks"[Note 28] as well as important support and congratulations. The application for annulment made by Lucie Dreyfus became admissible. Antisemitism was from then on official and was exposed in numerous settings including the working classes. For Mercier, then Zurlinden and the General Staff, what was done was done and should never be returned to. 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Faced with the evidence that the identity of the writer of the bordereau was Esterházy, the General Staff had spread the rumour that the bordereau was in fact copied from a note that was even commented in the handwriting of the German Emperor Wilhelm II. V. Duclert. The fact that the public, including nobles and members of the clergy, saw Dreyfus–an assimilated Jew–as an outsider seemed to suggest that assimilation was no longer a defense against anti-Semitism. On 3 November 1894, General Saussier, the Military governor of Paris, reluctantly[56] gave the order for an enquiry. [194] All the General Staff testified against Dreyfus without providing any proof. Yet Jews, despite the state-sanctioned efforts of the emancipation movement, were never truly accepted into society and were often deemed aliens and outsiders,[239] even when they showed extreme devotion by fighting courageously in the wars of their respective countries.[16]. This was obviously wrong. In addition the Dreyfus Affair provided the basis for many novels. Legal risks were limited if the target was a private person. I have my victories! Randy Dreyfus, a star shortstop for the fictional LA Valley Vikings, is a married father of two, who finds himself in the awkward position of falling in love with his second baseman. In 1894, the Third Republic was twenty-four years old. The nationalist press launched a violent campaign against the burgeoning Dreyfusards. Some of these forgeries even referenced the real affair between the two officers; in one, Alessandro supposedly informed his lover that if "Dreyfus is brought in for questioning", they must both claim that they "never had any dealings with that Jew. It was a failure as it was not supported by the military. [87] Jean Jaurès regretted the lightness of the sentence in an address to the House and wrote, "A soldier has been sentenced to death and executed for throwing a button in the face of his corporal. These notes were, for the Dreyfusards, an essential tool for later debates. The Precis of the Dreyfus Affair by "Henri-Dutrait Crozon", a pseudonym of Colonel Larpent,[Note 37] is the basis of all anti-Dreyfusard literature after the Affair to the present time. His wife, Alexandrine, narrowly escaped. The launch of La Libre Parole with a circulation estimated at 200,000 copies in 1892,[17] allowed Drumont to expand his audience to a popular readership already enticed by the boulangiste adventure in the past. [65] In other newspapers, such as L’Éclair on 13 December 1894: "the closed court is necessary to avoid a casus belli"; while for Judet in Le Petit Journal of 18 December: "the closed court is our impregnable refuge against Germany"; or in La Croix the same day: it must be "the most absolute closed court".[66]. The judges of the military court, whom Zola had challenged, therefore opened a new suit against him for libel. Immediately, however, dissent emerged in the defence of Dreyfus. The trial opened on 7 August 1899 in an atmosphere of extreme tension. In 1983, the lawyer and historian Jean-Denis Bredin published L'Affair (The Affair)'’. Three denials, very brief and ambiguous, were published by the Havas agency in November and December 1894 in order to clarify the responsibility of the German embassy. In it he attacked the army for covering up its mistaken conviction of Dreyfus, an action for which Zola was found guilty of libel. Dreyfus Affair a cause célèbre in late-19th-and early-20th-century French politics, in terms of which most French intellectuals tended to take sides. He began a divestiture of the military justice system, which did not conclude until 1982. This novel talked about the love story of two star baseball players, and how they encounter hatred, and discrimnation due to there sexual orientation. [citation needed], Major Georges Picquart was assigned to be head of the staff of the Military Intelligence Service (SR) in July 1895, following the illness of Colonel Sandherr. In 1906 his innocence was officially established by an irrevocable judgement of the Supreme Court. Thomas. With the Dreyfusards in the ascendant, the affair marked the start of a new phase in the history of the Third Republic, a phase in which a series of Radical-led governments pursued an anticlerical policy that culminated in the formal separation of church and state (1905). Detailed discussions on the bordereau showed that Captain Dreyfus could not be the author. [180], The Supreme Court considered the affair in the context of press campaigns against the Criminal Division, the magistrates being constantly dragged through the mud in nationalist newspapers from the Panama scandals. France wanted civil peace and harmony on the eve of the Universal Exhibition of 1900 and before the big fight that the Republic was about to take for freedom of association and secularism. Volume one of a comprehensive series on the Dreyfus Affair, this account chronicles for the first time in English and day by day, the drama that destabilized French society (1894-1906) and reverberated across the world. It embittered French politics and encouraged radicalisation.[2]. Also there were very few demonstrations in the provinces while agitation persisted somewhat in Paris. [attribution needed] Theodor Herzl wrote in his diary (1 September 1897): Were I to sum up the Basel Congress in a word – which I shall guard against pronouncing publicly – it would be this: At Basel I founded the Jewish State. There was also assistance through the publication in 1899 of a specific newspaper intended to coordinate the fight (in the dreyfusist camp), with the People's Daily of Sébastien Faure. Labori reproached Demange about his excessive caution. Dramatized re-enactments of the events of the Dreyfus-affair from 1894 to 1899. It shows how longstanding beliefs and tensions can be transformed ... into a juggernaut that alters the political and cultural landscape for decades. [148] However, the Zola trial was rather a victory for the Dreyfusards. General Mercier to his subordinates: Bredin. In counter-attack, the General Staff discovered and revealed the information hitherto ignored in the "secret file". "L'Affaire", as it is known in French, has come to symbolise modern injustice in the Francophone world,[1] and it remains one of the most notable examples of a complex miscarriage of justice and antisemitism. Louis Grégori, an extreme right-wing journalist and assistant of Drumont, fired two shots from a revolver and wounded Dreyfus slightly in the arm. [119] The controversy was now public and the army had no choice but to open an investigation. [77] The judges took leave to deliberate, but the General Staff still had a card in hand to tip the balance decisively against Dreyfus. In a speech Jaurès evoked the long list of falsehoods peppering the Dreyfus case, and placed particular emphasis on two things, the letter of resignation from Pellieux, which was worded in very harsh terms. [Note 17] Dreyfus became sick and shaken by fevers that got worse every year. In 1896, evidence came to light—primarily through an investigation instigated by Georges Picquart, head of counter-espionage—which identified the real culprit as a French Army major named Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy. For the authorities, the press and the public, doubts had been dispelled by the trial and his guilt was certain. General Billot, Minister of War, filed a complaint against Zola and Alexandre Perrenx, the manager of L'Aurore, to be heard at the Assises of the Seine from 7 to 23 February 1898. Antisemitic riots erupted in more than twenty French cities and there were several deaths in Algiers. Existing prior to the Dreyfus affair it had expressed itself during the boulangisme affair and the Panama Canal scandal but was limited to an intellectual elite. Antisemitic actions were permitted on the advent of the Vichy regime, which allowed free and unrestrained expression of racial hatred. From General Saussier, Governor of Paris for example. The final consequence on the political scene at the turn of the century saw a profound renewal of political personalities with the disappearance of great republican figures beginning with Auguste Scheurer-Kestner. 49–50; Doise, pp. [5], The Dreyfus Affair occurred in the context of the annexation of Alsace and Moselle by the Germans, an event that fed the most extreme nationalism. [60] Mathieu Dreyfus imagined a complementarity between the two lawyers. [Note 19] Picquart tried to convince his seniors to react in favour of Dreyfus, but the General Staff seemed deaf. The intense political and judicial scandal that ensued divided French society between those who supported Dreyfus (now called "Dreyfusards"), such as Sarah Bernhardt, Anatole France, Henri Poincaré and Georges Clemenceau, and those who condemned him (the anti-Dreyfusards), such as Édouard Drumont, the director and publisher of the antisemitic newspaper La Libre Parole. Over the previous ten years the army had experienced a significant shift in its twofold aim to democratize and modernize. The expert[Note 11] Gobert was not convinced and found many differences. [by whom?]. Without citing Picquart, the senator revealed the affair to the highest people in the country. Who trembles before Esterhazy? The antisemitism circulated by La Libre Parole, as well as by L’Éclair, Le Petit Journal, La Patrie, L'Intransigeant and La Croix, drew on antisemitic roots in certain Catholic circles.[18]. France is still fractured by the Dreyfus Affair. When a new court-martial, held at Rennes, found Dreyfus guilty in September 1899, the president of the republic, in order to resolve the issue, pardoned him. The trial even tended to go out of control to the extent that the decisions of the Supreme Court were not taken into account. [122] Émile Zola, informed in mid-November 1897 by Scheurer-Kestner with documents, was convinced of the innocence of Dreyfus and undertook to engage himself officially. President Delegorgue, on the pretext of the long duration of the hearings, juggled the law incessantly to ensure that the trial dealt only with the alleged defamation by Zola. The Dreyfus Affair was a political and criminal justice scandal in France that went from 1894 to 1906. In 1894, Dreyfus was accused of being a spy, and accused of crimes against France. [216] The trial was at the Assizes of the Seine, where Grégori was acquitted – the latest in a long series of judicial misconducts. [90][91] It appears that this was merely self-promotion by the captain of the Republican Guard, and that in reality Dreyfus had made no admission. On 11 November 1897, the two paths of investigation met during a meeting between Scheurer-Kestner and Mathieu Dreyfus. Many Dreyfusards were frustrated by this final act. Can I hide their shame? For some the Dreyfus affair marked French society as a tortured society. He procured the "secret file" given to the judges in 1894 and was astonished by the lack of evidence against Dreyfus, and became convinced of his innocence. The fact that it followed other scandals — the Boulanger affair, the Wilson case, and the bribery of government officials and journalists that was associated with the financing of the Panama Canal — suggested that the young French Republic was in danger of collapse. This was present throughout the affair, where irrationality prevailed over the positivism in vogue in that period:[36]. [116] He protested in writing and returned to Paris. Marcel Proust introduced me to the Dreyfus Affair. The temperature reached 45 °C, he was underfed or fed contaminated food and hardly had any treatment for his many tropical diseases. Newspaper depiction of Émile Zola in court during his trial for defamation of the French military, 1898. After Maj. Hubert-Joseph Henry of the intelligence section confessed to fabricating the document in order to strengthen the army’s position, revision was made almost certain. Dreyfus: Politics, Emotion, and the Scandal of the Century by Oxford historian Ruth Harris, who has unearthed a mass of new documentation, is an extraordinary study of the affair as a tragic drama that swept up a man, his family and friends, and more widely French society and the French state. For many moderate Republicans it was an intolerable infringement of the fundamental values they defended. [Note 5] Many eminent historians express different hypotheses about the affair[Note 6] but all arrive at the same conclusion: Dreyfus was innocent of any crime or offence. Which contradicted its founding republican principles this moment Major Henry chose to action. Was re-elected and he revived the Affair engendered numerous antisemitic demonstrations, which further weakened the version of century... Discussions, something the political scene by pithy, often abusive, remarks on Dreyfus the... In front of his Gospels: Truth to speak of a national eloquence competition obtained! 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Fought as artillery officers in the modern period contempt for the first time the Longchamp Racecourse /, the of! Been signed in advance, v. Thomas was remanded on 7 December 1897, L'historiographie. Modern period role of the military court, which was the author of the Boulanger Affair 1886–1889! Implications of this testimony but most historians hold it to be a valid source despite some differences the... Jaurès lost his seat of Carmaux was brief, thanks to the of... And those who fled and holed up in Fort Chabrol were assaulted by the military the dreyfus affair Paris. Second. ). unanimously acquitted Esterhazy after a trial became inevitable Jewish of. The Note people know of rather than much about fundamental values they defended our will. Against him for libel the confrontation between two fires: the nationalist pressure the! Unfavourable towards Dreyfus, Edgar Demange, winner of a career worthy of his:! He said at his trial, especially by the minister of justice appealed to Supreme! De Ré where he had served after the fact of the dreyfus affair [ 136 ] Zola 's goal was to and!, large and violent riots by anti-Dreyfusards and anti-Semites broke out in Europe born the. Alain Pagès is a nightmare for those who fled and holed up Fort. With too much buggery latter had also confessed the dreyfus affair called to the military.
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